The Ends for Which God in His Providence Permits the Existence of this War.
James Dodson
SERMON V.
Come, and let us declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God. Jer. li. 10.
THEY, whose lot it is to live in the midst of revolutions and wars, are constrained to be the witnesses of much misery and sorrow. Where ignorance and tyranny prevail, the humane have only to mourn in silence over their calamities, without even the small consolation of proclaiming to the world, the evils which they see or endure. Wheresoever, however, liberty secures the right of expressing one’s thoughts, and especially where true religion begets a becoming magnanimity, men will always be found to relate the tale of wo, and to declare their opinions of the causes and consequences of present sufferings. It is, moreover, to be expected, that in such cases, some diversity of sentiment will obtain among the most unbiassed and virtuous. The complexness of public affairs—the imperfection of knowledge—the peevishness and the passions of the heart, give us reason to believe, had we not the lights of history to assure us of the fact, that without any uncommon degrees of depravity, men will dispute about the several interesting concerns of social life.
The sad experience of the churches, and particularly of the Reformed, proclaims the danger to their sons, which arises from the tumults and the changes of political empire. During the concussion of nations, many professors of religion lose their reason and their faith: and it requires living principle, in connection with the Rock of ages, to prevent being tossed off, and buried in the earthquake. Therefore do we invite Christians, during the present struggle of the nations, to come and declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God.
The invitation was originally given by the prophet Jeremiah, in view of judgments destined to overthrow the Chaldean government. It was to the wars of the Medes and Persians, he gave the name of the work of the Lord, which deserves to be declared in Zion, the church of Jesus Christ. The narrative of this case, affords an instructive lesson. It is found in chap. 50, & 51. Jeremiah, who makes the declaration, deserves to be held up to view as a model for Christian ambassadors, in midst of scenes of war. He was descended from the house of Aaron, and of course a priest, as well as a prophet. By early piety, a remarkable discernment of the signs of the times, an affecting tenderness, and by an unyielding firmness and integrity, he was qualified for the duties of an arduous ministry; and, although he longed for a release from his labours, and his very body, insomuch as to curse the day of his birth, he was continued, for the instruction of the church, to old age upon earth. His faithfulness provoked the resentment of the great; and among those whom he laboured to instruct and to save, as he would not flatter, he had few, if any friends. They forced him reluctantly to minister to them in Egypt after the fall of Jerusalem: and, even there, instead of consulting their prejudices, he freely proclaimed unwelcome truths. Persecuted by men, his only consolation was from heaven: and his happiness on earth consisted in doing his duty. We do not know which to admire most, his magnanimity, or disinterestedness: for when Nebuzaraddan, the Commander in Chief of the Chaldean armament, offered him an establishment in Babylon, he preferred continuing with his afflicted brethren, who had never treated him with the kindness or esteem due to his worth.
This weeping prophet sympathized in the sufferings of a people, injured and invaded by the foe. Many of them were already in captivity. He beheld the noble edifices of the capital smoking in ruins. He dropped a tear over the fallen glory; and turning his eyes to the east, over the mighty waters of Euphrates, to Babylon, the enemy of his country, now in the full tide of successful war, he exclaimed, O thou that dwellest upon many waters, abundant in treasures, thine end is come, and the measure of thy covetousness. [Jer. li. 13.] Jeremiah committed to writing the predicted judgments, and sent them by the hands of Seraiah to Babylon, with orders, that when he read them to the captive Israelites, they should be fastened to a stone, and thrown into the Euphrates, as a symbol of the demolition of Chaldean greatness. While predicting these judgments of war from the Lord, destined to overthrow that mighty empire, he invited the saints, in the words of my text, “Come, let us declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God.”
War is, in a certain sense, the work of the Lord—As such it ought to be understood and declared by a religious people.
Both these assertions I shall endeavour to confirm and apply, and shall then conclude this subject.
I. All wars are, in a certain sense, the work of the Lord our God.
It is not, in its own nature, pleasing to the Deity, to contemplate either the evil passions or the sufferings of men. God is not to be viewed in the light of an arbitrary and capricious tyrant, that sports with the miseries of his creatures. He is of purer eyes than to behold evil, and cannot look on iniquity. [Hab. i. 13.] Nevertheless, he not only admits, but, in some instances, requires war: and on account of its effects, he brings it to pass, as under existing circumstances, suited to the nature of his government over such creatures as the sinful children of men. Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right? [Gen. xviii. 25.] Shall there be evil in a city, and the Lord hath not done it? [Amos iii. 6.]
The providence of God extends to every event—war is particularly specified—and the wars of this age of the world, are pointed out in the prophetic history.
1. The providence of God extends to every event which comes to pass.
Provision was made, in the counsel of his own will, before any part of creation was called into existence, for all that the Lord doeth with his creatures in time or through eternity. A man of understanding purposeth beforehand what he shall do: it argues imperfection of intellect or of power, or else mutation of disposition, to act contrary to previous resolution: omniscience, omnipotence, and immutability assure us, that God worketh all things after the counsel of his own will; [Eph. i. 11.] and as he willed what he shall himself perform, his agency extends over matter and mind to every event, from the colouring of a filament of hair, to the overturning of a world. The very hairs of your head are all numbered. [Luke xii. 7.]
2. War is particularly specified in several parts of the sacred volume, as a work of God’s Providence over human affairs. “Wherefore it is said in the book of the wars of the Lord what he did in the Red Sea, and in the brooks of Arnon: and at the stream of the brook that goeth down to the dwelling of Ar, and lieth on the border of Moab.” [Num. xxi. 14.]
I shall illustrate this doctrine by a passage from sacred history, which is very applicable to the several inquiries, which piety would suggest upon hearing that war is the work of the Lord our God.
Ahab king of Israel proposed to Jehoshaphat king of Judah, an alliance, for the purpose of waging war against the Syrians, of which the latter accepted; but expressed a desire to consult the prophets respecting the nature and ends of the contest. [1 Kings xxii. 1—5.] Jehoshaphat, with all his failings, which although numerous, appear to have chiefly proceeded from the mildness and indecision of his character, was a pious man, who revered the word of the Lord. Ahab was of an opposite character, but made it a part of his policy to keep a numerous ministry depending upon the royal bounty; because, by that very dependence he might calculate upon their influence, in the community, to favour his plans of ambition and tyranny He accordingly summoned a council of prophets, which was attended by about four hundred. They knew the inclination of the king of Israel: they were not so well acquainted with the will of the King of heaven: and they did not hesitate to give, what their patron expected, the sanction of their religion to his belligerent proposals. [See verse 6.] He was gratified; but his ally, suspecting the character of Ahab’s prophets, was not satisfied: he inquired for some teacher of divine truth, worthy of more confidence. There was one of that description at hand. Micaiah the son of Imlah, was well known in Samaria for his plainness and integrity; but, as might be expected, of such a character, that he was not in favour with the court. Though constrained to respect his virtues, they disliked him for his unyielding disposition. I hate him, said Ahab, for he does not prophecy good concerning me, but evil. [Verse 8.]
It was the policy of the king of Israel, however, not to displease or disappoint a man upon whose co-operation he calculated in the Syrian war; and, in order to gratify Jehoshaphat, Micaiah was admitted to the royal presence. Enrobed in state apparel, the two allied monarchs sat upon thrones, before the gate of Samaria, receiving, in the presence of the populace, the homage of the more courtly prophets, when the son of Imlah approached. He came along with a trusty messenger from Ahab, who had previously solicited a favourable reply from him to the proposition of the kings. The prophet made no stipulations, save expressing a determination to do his duty. When he spake, he predicted the fall of Ahab in the battle. [Verses 9—17.]
Enraged at such boldness, the king ordered the prophet instantly to prison, to be fed upon bread of affliction, and water of affliction, until he should himself return from the field of battle, whither he speedily directed his troops to march. And Micaiah said, if thou return at all in peace, the Lord hath not spoken at all by me. [Verse 28.] The fact verified the prediction. War was waged; and Ahab, in despite of his cowardly disguise, fell in battle.
The words of the prophet, before the gates of Samaria, explain in what sense, war waged, by sinful men influenced by a spirit of delusion, may, nevertheless, be said to be of the Lord. I saw the Lord sitting on his throne, and all the host of heaven standing by him, on his right hand and on his left. And the Lord said, who shall persuade Ahab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth-gilead?—And there came forth a spirit, and stood before the Lord, and said, I will persuade him—I will go forth, and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets. And he said, go forth, and do so. Now therefore, behold, the Lord hath put a lying spirit in the mouth of all these thy prophets, and the Lord hath spoken evil concerning you. [Verses 19—23.]
From this account, it appears, that Ahab and his prophets, seduced by an evil spirit, voluntarily acted and sinned—that the Governor of the world permitted their transgressions, and employed their actions to answer his righteous purposes—that the contest at Ramoth-gilead was predestinated, predicted, and brought to pass, by the Lord our God.
3. The wars, which are, in this age of the world, carried on in Christendom, are peculiarly pointed out in prophecy as the work of God.
That part of sacred history, from which I have taken my text, very readily suggests to everyone, familiar with the Bible, a portion of New Testament prediction which justifies this remark. I refer to the outpouring of the sixth Apocalyptical vial. It is the intimate connection between these two passages of Scripture that induced the selection of my text.
The prophecy of Jeremiah respects the downfall of the ancient Babylon. This is “the work of the Lord to be declared in Zion.” The event took place under Belshazzar, and was effected by the united armies of Darius the Mede and Cyrus prince of Persia, conducted by the latter, the greatest general of his own time.
Media and Persia, both lay to the east of Judea and of Chaldea, and on this account, a Jew, writing in Palestine about the affairs of Babylon, must consider the well-known destroyers of Chaldean greatness, Cyrus and his uncle Cyaxares, as the kings of the east. For twenty-one years, the empire of the world was disputed between these kings and the rulers of Babylon. It was by stratagem they at last succeeded. The Euphrates, which runs through that city, was diverted at immense labour from its channel; and when the waters abated, the Medes and the Persians marched in and took possession.[1] This explains the words of John the Divine. The sixth angel poured out his vial upon the great river Euphrates; and the waters thereof was dried up, that the way of the kings of the east might be prepared. [Rev. xvi. 12.]
The sixth vial designates the period under which we live. I shall not here repeat what I formerly said in your hearing, in my LECTURES ON THE PERIOD OF THE VIALS, to prove that we are now under the sixth. I take that fact for granted. The fifth introduced the reformation. The seventh will introduce the millennium. The intervening judgments, on antichristian nations, belong to the sixth.
We have shown, that the unclean spirits which proceed from Satan, doing wonders, seducing the kings of the Roman Earth, and even of the whole world, to go forth to war—three unclean spirits like frogs, out of the mouth of the dragon, the beast, and the false prophet, are, the principles of infidelity, of tyranny, and of hypocrisy, supported by philosophists, by European monarchs, and by corrupt ecclesiastics, producing wars, and gathering the nations to their merited judgments. We have shown, that it is the design of heaven, while employing that terrible machinery, as a wo to the kingdom of the man of sin, to destroy the immense resources, which the establishments of the old world draw from their system of foreign colonization, and its dependent commerce. We have shown, that this, the object of the sixth vial, began to be accomplished in the American revolution; and that the waters of Euphrates, thus diverted from their channel through the midst of Babylon, will continue to flow more and more in another course, until the former channel is dry, and the corrupt establishments of Europe become a more easy prey to “the kings of the east,” the agents of their ruin. Of this vial the present war is a part: and whatever may have been the intention of its instigators and opponents; whatever the immediate motives of its origin and continuance, it is a part of the grand scheme of Providence, to drying up the waters of the modern or mystic Babylon; and as such, it is in a peculiar sense the work of the Lord our God, which it behooves us both to declare and to explain in Zion. But this leads to another part of my discourse.
II. We shall show the several ends to he answered by this war, as a work of God’s good providence.
This theme of discussion recommends itself, in a particular manner, to Christian attention. All that love the Lord Jesus Christ, will regard the doings of his hand. He hath exalted his throne in the heavens, and his kingdom ruleth over all. Whatever judgment Ave form of the views and the actions of men in power over the several nations; it is our incumbent duty to study with care the designs of heaven, so far as they are developed in the dispensations of his providence. Behold, as the eyes of servants look unto the hand of their masters, and as the eyes of a maiden unto the hand of her mistress: so our eyes wait upon the Lord our God. [Ps. cxxiii 2.]
The war in which our country is engaged, is a part of THE GRAND SCHEME OF GOD’S PROVIDENCE, and requires that we consider it, both as it respects this nation in particular, and as it respects the general family of nations.
We can discover the purposes of the Deity respecting us, only by means of his revealed will; and he reveals himself by his word, and his works. He hath so ordered it, that we are at war with a great and powerful empire: and, however we may account for the fact, by the contingencies of secondary causes, it is not to be denied, that it comes to pass according to the purpose of Him, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will. He does nothing in vain. The effects produced were intended to be produced; and by observing these, we learn what he hath designed to accomplish. The present war appears destined by the God of heaven, to answer the purposes of a judgment—a trial—and, a benefit.
1. The War is a Judgment.
The sins of individual transgressors are not punished to their full amount in this life. At the last day, every man shall receive as his work shall be. But nations do not exist as bodies politic in the world of spirits. Divine Justice lays hold of them accordingly in the present world, and metes out to them their merited punishment. The transgressions of this empire are confessedly numerous; and in no country upon earth do the sins of different individuals require more, to be taken into the account of the national guilt, than those of the people of the United States; because in no other country, are the people and the government so completely identified in the constitution and administration of civil power. The moral character of those who are elected to office, is known to their constituents: their acts, while in office, are the acts of the community which they represent: the offence committed by public men, are, therefore, justly laid to the account of the commonwealth. It is a fact, that we suffer; and had we not sinned, such sufferings would not have befallen us. Therefore hath the Lord watched upon the evil, and brought it upon us: for the Lord our God is righteous in all his works which he doeth: for we obeyed not his voice. [Dan. ix. 14.] We feel our sufferings.
The mind is harassed by anxiety; the body is broken down by the fatigues of warfare: families are separated to meet no more: and the arts, the employments, and the comforts of domestic life, give way to the labours of flight from the scene of danger; to the duties of the camp, and of the field of battle; and to the collection of the scattered fragments of what remains of former treasure.
Property is rapidly changing hands. The Trader sees his ships rotting in the harbour, and become a prey for worms. His capital is without productive employment, and gradually melting away like the April snow. The Manufacturer, the Adventurer, the Sailor, the Soldier, and especially the Public Contractor, is supported or enriched on the public loss. A few years of war, will make many rich men poor, and some poor men wealthy.
To fatigues and vexations, to the dissipation of a military life, to the effects of unhealthy climate and diet, as well as by the sword of battle, many fall as victims, and leave behind them the widow and the fatherless, bereaved and unprotected, to relate the tale of sorrow. Heavy taxation, for the present, and an accumulating national debt for the succeeding generation, are among the evils incident to a contest like this, and in all these sufferings we clearly see the indignation of the Lord. He appointed these evils for national chastisement: and the fact must be proclaimed in Zion as the work of the Lord. It must be so, for he hath purposed it: and it should be so, for he is holy.
2. The War is a Trial.
It would be no less comfortless to ourselves, than ungrateful to a merciful God, were we to consider the evils which he brings upon us solely in the light of a punishment. War, like other evils, is ordained for trial: and as such, Christians will improve the dispensation. While it corrects for previous and present guilt, it makes proof of the remaining good. Such was the principal character of the afflictions of Job. Such were the sufferings of primitive persecution: and such are, in a great measure, the evils of a nation prosecuting legitimate warfare.
In the present state of this country the community is severely tried, as to the degree of Christian liberality among its members—as to the patriotism of the rulers and the people—and as to the worth of their free republican institutions.
First. The contest does in fact show where Christian liberality is found, and in what degree it exists among its professors. Charity, respecting the different opinions of Christian sects and denominations, has long been a favourite doctrine in this country. Whether it arises from true benevolence, or from indifference to religion itself, remains to be shown. If from true benevolence, it will certainly triumph over political animosities. And the war will make it appear whether these party political distinctions, which have so long and unhappily existed, can be made to yield to Christian attachments to such a degree, as that brother can listen to a brother, and impartially esteem him, and love him still, although of different sentiments respecting the character of the present war. Charity is not limited to a political sect.
Second. The state of the country does also try effectually the degree of patriotism which is still to be found in the United States.
It will show how far a man is willing to suffer for his country—How far he is ready to sacrifice views of personal interest or ambition—How far he is prepared to give up with the pride of opinion, suppress the prejudices of party spirit, cast off the trammels of that electioneering machinery, wherewith he has been held in bondage. The country calls for unanimity in repelling and chastising the foe. In the time of her distress, an ample opportunity is afforded to the hollow-hearted patriot, to revile her, to embarrass her counsels and proceedings, and like Shimei, at Bahurim, to curse her as guilty before God, in hopes of rising on her ruins. But this is the time to show the true patriot, of whatever party. His influence and his advice; his co-operation and support; his wishes and his prayers, will be offered up for the maintenance of the contest with adequate resources, until victory crown with success the efforts of his country, and procure an honourable and a permanent pacification.
The patriotic statesman, had he personally suffered from his country the greatest injustice, would come, in the present crisis, as Aristides, to his rival Themistocles, and offer his services, in giving effect to the war, for the good of his country. In vain do they profess Christianity, who will permit the pagans of Greece to exhibit greater degrees of disinterestedness under similar circumstances. It is to be hoped, that in this hour of trial, it will be made to appear, that Athenians do not exceed Americans in patriotism.
Third. The present war is a trial of our republican institutions.
America gave to the civilized world, the first specimen of a country, great and enterprising, capable of order and prosperity without kings, without nobles, without degrading the lower classes of the community into a state of servitude, and without making of religion and its ministers, an engine of political power. This fact is known in Europe. It is already admitted everywhere by men capable of reflection, that republicanism, that a true Representative Democracy is the best form of government for a people at peace. But can it endure the shock of war? That is the question which has been answered, by the advocates of arbitrary power, in the negative. That is the interesting question now in trial by this war. If we succeed in this contest, the superiority of our political institutions must be evident to ourselves, and to the whole world. If a government, supported but by half the strength of the nation, without fleets, without armies, and without the wealth which gives sinews to war, dared to declare hostilities; if a republican government, without veteran soldiers, and without experienced generals, is found capable of carrying on a contest with the most powerful nation on earth, a nation skilled in war, at the very acme of her greatness and glory, victorious over all her other enemies, with an immense disposable force: and if, under such circumstances, we can procure an honourable peace, then is our freedom secure, then shall we have' confidence in one another, and become the admiration of the world.
3. The war is a benefit.
“The Lord reigneth; let the earth rejoice. Clouds and darkness are round about him: righteousness and judgment are the habitation of his throne. Zion heard and was glad; and the daughter of Judah rejoiced because of thy judgments, O Lord. Rejoice in the Lord, ye righteous; and give thanks at the remembrance of his holiness.” [Ps. xcvii.]
Whether I shall be able, my Christian brethren, to specify the advantages which will flow from this contest or not, I know well that God intends it for good. Whether I shall succeed in convincing you, that the effects which I am about to mention, will in fact follow, or that even when they come to pass, they should be considered as a public benefit, I will not now venture to affirm: but, at all events, the saints are required to rejoice in his judgments; and these judgments must, of course, give cause of joy. Others may contemplate the prospect before them with gloomy apprehensions. Let them cheerlessly cast their eye upon the evil, and fall into despondence. Let them fret, and abuse, and curse the hand that smites them; but, I know that all things shall work together for good. Walking by faith, our eye is directed to him that sitteth upon the circle of the earth; and thus, we recommend to his care our bleeding country, confident that, in this struggle, in vindication of its injured rights, he will avenge our cause, and execute judgment for us.
I flatter myself, however, that I shall be able to point out some good effects which the Lord intends to bring about by this war.
First. In its very greatest evils, I can perceive actual benefits. The sufferings which it causes, will exercise the saints to godliness, and promote their holiness, their usefulness, and their future happiness. The change in the state of property which it produces, must inculcate in the bosom of the virtuous, dependence on God, the only unchangeable good: and as to others, I can trust to the wisdom of Heaven, since God knows better than we do, in whose hands the multitude of gold and silver will be of the most value in the world. The havoc made by the sword, cuts off many of the wicked from annoying the earth; and the godly who fall are delivered from temptation and trouble, and hastened home to the enjoyment of a great reward. Immorality itself, will in fine be overruled by Him, who numbers the hairs of our head, for his own glory and the welfare of his chosen sons and daughters.
Second. The American war brings to notice, among the thinking part of society, among the scholars and the statesmen, throughout the nations, great and important principles of moral order, the knowledge of which, has been heretofore confined to a few of comparatively little influence in the world.
The freedom of the seas is desirable to all the nations, with a single exception; and there is not a man of sense in the whole world who denies its equity. Were you to call together, men of understanding, of whatever country, and refer to them for decision, the great interesting questions of commerce, they would unanimously and unhesitatingly declare, The sea should be free to every man.
It is utterly impossible that judicious men would ever say, the dominion of the deep must of right be surrendered to someone kingdom, and let the rest of the nations become tributary: It is utterly impossible that a congress of impartial men would say, the ocean ought of right to be for ever and ever under the dominion of England. It is indeed said, by the supporters of English claims on America, “possession gives right to territory, why not to the ocean? England has undisputed possession of the deep: She therefore has a right to control the commerce of the world.” Who makes this assertion? Men who say they are themselves the friends of commerce; and who reflect upon their own government as if it were unfriendly to the rights of trade. Do you, indeed, say that England has, by possession, obtained a right to rule the waves? Trespass not upon her territory. Say not you are the friends of unembarrassed trade. Listen to me, and hear my reasoning. You are not only inconsistent; but you are, also, entirely mistaken about the matter of fact. Britain never had undisputed possession of the seas. Spain, France, Holland, the armed neutrality of the North, all the nations of the civilized world have contended for equal rights on the deep. This republic last, though not the least successfully, has vindicated her title to an equal share of maritime rights. As the argument rests upon what is false in fact, so also, it assumes an inapplicable principle. If possession is admitted to give a title to unappropriated lands; it is because the general good of society is promoted by the cultivation of the soil. Unoccupied territory is for the time useless. But who can improve or cultivate the ocean?
There is no analogy between the two cases. The seas are the highway of the nations of the earth. The general advantage is promoted by the uninterrupted enjoyment of that highway, and not by the British claims of exclusive occupancy. The individual nation which urges by power a right to rule the waves, resembles not the husbandman, who takes into his possession, and improves a part of the wilderness; but is like the highwayman who interrupts the traveler on the public road.
The apologists of Great Britain, moreover, in using this argument, claim a right which the Prince Regent himself will not venture to claim before the world. His navy frequently, indeed, too frequently for the repose of nations, practices as if he did claim the right: but the cabinet are aware that an open avowal would be understood, by all men of sense, as a declaration of hostilities against civilized man. They will, of course, endeavour to evade the question, as the more convenient policy.
The essential principles of the social compact, as arising from the constitution of human nature, and declared in the word of God—a compact, necessary indeed, and yet voluntary upon the part of each member, will in consequence of this war become a subject of more general examination. It is not merely for “Free trade and sailors’ rights.” that this contest was intended by the Governor of the world: it was to illustrate the principles of national morality with which these practical questions are necessarily associated. The proper independency of nations, each of all others, is a subject of consideration. The true nature of allegiance, due in proportion to the protection needed, asked for, and enjoyed, is exhibited to view; so as to maintain the idea that man is as free to choose his residence as his employment, his country as his wife, his ruler as his servant: the rights of industry and commercial intercourse, to be equably granted to all the nations; and admitted by others to be without restraint, while prosecuted openly and honourably, are hereby made a subject of general attention and discussion. These topics are urged at an interesting crisis in the civilized world—by the ability and eloquence of our secretaries and ambassadors—by the bravery of our troops, and the success of our ships of war, they are forced upon the notice of kings and of emperors; of philosophers and of poets; of merchants, of mechanics, of husbandmen; yea, of all ranks of men. They will thus command a respect which politicians would scorn to yield to the maxims of equity, or to the precepts of the word of God.
Third. By the present contest, America will acquire a respectable character in the family of nations.
She has long been abused and insulted for her peaceful demeanour. The belligerents of Europe acted towards this country, as if it had been denationalized. The weakness of the government, the cowardice of the people, and above all, the avidity of the merchants, were subjects of scorn and contempt abroad: but the shame is removed; the veterans of Wellington attest the prowess of our troops; and the world is astonished at the facility with which our naval heroes have conquered, when they met upon terms of equality, those who had conquered all other nations. The American character, in argument and diplomacy, in the council and upon the field, now stands confessed; and this is a guarantee against future insolence and aggression.
Fourth. As another effect of the contest, the American name, respected abroad, will communicate at home the impulse of patriotism. The love of country, weakened by familiarity with its enemies, and destroyed by the love of wealth, shortly after the war, which established the independence of America, will be revived by this second war of independence; and the several monied interests, which are set in operation independently of British commerce, as well as the growing influence of domestic literature and arts, will serve to cherish that passion in the breasts of the rising generation. Hereafter they will take an honourable pride in the deeds of their statesmen and their warriors; and it will be felt by themselves, and known to others, that on a question of foreign opposition, they are all Americans.
Fifth. The doctrine of expatriation, and the true nature of allegiance and protection, being hereafter better understood, will encourage the best part of the Protestants of Europe to seek an asylum in these lands, in the day of trial and of darkness, which awaits them in their own country. In vain should we conceal from ourselves the awful truth—Europe, the Latin earth, the scene of antichristian persecution, is to suffer more, infinitely more, than it has done in the last twenty years. The rejoicings which have taken place at the restoration of the Popish powers, shall be changed to lamentation and wo. The saints must yet suffer before the witnesses finish their testimony; and in America thousands will yet seek for hospitality and repose. They will be encouraged, from the well-known fact, that we have vindicated by the sword the rights of the stranger.[2]
We have abundantly shown, in a preceding discourse, the absurd consequences of denying the right of expatriation, to man. We have charged, moreover, the court of Britain with inconsistency, in granting naturalization to others, while claiming perpetuity of allegiance to themselves.
I am perfectly aware that British statesmen of no mean name, and their apologists in the United States, do not admit the justice of this charge. They plead the correctness and the consistency of the Regent’s recent proclamation, recalling his native subjects, and threatening to treat, as traitors, all such, who are found in arms against him: But I am also sensible, that the court of Britain, haughty as it is, dare not execute that threatening in its full extent. It has already been alarmed at the counter threatening of a terrible retaliation. In vain am I told that the emigrant must remain on American ground in order to be safe—that he must never bear arms against his first rulers—that he must never venture upon the open seas. Transferring allegiance is either a right, or it is not. If it is not a right, remaining on American ground cannot make it so, or free the conscience from guilt in the oath of naturalization. If it is a right, it constitutes an obligation to defend the cause of the country; and a voyage to sea does not alter its nature. You admit, while defending the claims of British domination, you admit, that she has a law in her statute-book for naturalizing men of foreign birth, not merely in order to people her land; but principally with design to navigate her vessels, and to fight her battles on the ocean: And will you be so inconsistent as to urge upon adopted American citizens the necessity of confinement to the shores? No, this is not your apology. I know what it is. I well know what the lords of the admiralty direct to be said in their behalf, upon this subject. They would say, England indeed, by statute law, “naturalizes foreigners, but by common law allegiance is unalienable. America too, by law, naturalizes foreigners, and so far we do not object: but here is the difference. England gives up, to the natural sovereign, the subject for execution as a traitor: and never protects the adopted citizen against the claims of his native state. You profess to protect, like natives, your adopted citizens. We are not inconsistent: we claim our own subjects to be punished for treason; and we will give up your citizens, when you demand them, for the same purpose.”
Horrible apology! criminal consistency! And is this your vindication? Is this, indeed, your boasted political morality? You, by your own confession, invite the unwary to your service; you allure them to treason you tempt them, you impress them, you deceive them by the solemnities of an act of your parliament; and yet you will not protect them: but give them up for traitors to the hand of the public executioner. Great God, how deplorably mistaken must those Christians be, who consider such a government as this, as becoming a moral and religious community! A government which pledges the public faith with the express design of deceiving and destroying him who trusts in it for protection. Righteousness, righteousness only, exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people.
Sixth. The present war appears destined of the Lord, to subserve the cause of the kings of the east in drying up the waters of Euphrates. [See pages 205-207.]
This is a war for commercial freedom, and against the British monopoly. It is a contest, not only to prevent the recolonization of these states, but also in the Providence of God for extending the principles of representative democracy—the blessings of liberty, and the rights of self-government, among the colonies of Europe, which are found to the north and to the south of us. Like the wars of the old world, it is a shield from subjugation to the Spanish colonies, struggling for emancipation to the south; and independently of the idea of conquering Canada by our arms, it teaches to its inhabitants the benefits of peace with the United States. It will, in its consequences, diminish their attachment to England, and instruct them in the value of liberty. The very opposition which is made to this war is the means of ultimately strengthening the American democracy. Whatever may be the designs of the leaders of that opposition, the arguments employed by them are democratic, and these will not be forgotten. The appeals which are made to the people will make the people still more sensible of their own strength and importance. The societies which are formed, whether to support or to oppose the administration, are so many small democracies, which still tend to promote the principles of civil liberty. They are jacobinical institutions, conducted with all the zeal, for power; but with more intelligence and order, than the Parisian associations. Nay, the very CONVENTION of the Eastern states, and all the opposition which the measures of this government have provoked in that part of our country, are predicated upon the principles of democracy. The war itself, and all the strife and the contention which it has produced, must therefore be considered, in the Providence of God, as the means of destruction to the slavish doctrines of the old world, and as ultimately tending to the general emancipation of the human race from the bondage of despotism and superstition.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] “After a siege of nearly two years, Cyrus at last succeeded in taking Babylon. Understanding that a great annual festival was to be kept at Babylon, he sent up a party of his men to the castle, leading to the great lake, with orders to break down the bank, and turn the whole current into the lake. Towards evening he opened the head of the trenches on both sides the river above the city. In the interim, getting all his forces together, he posted one part of them at the place where the river entered the city, and the other where it came out, with orders to enter as soon as the channel became fordable. By the middle of the night, both parties entered, the one having Gobrias, and the other Gadates, two revolting nobles of Chaldea, for their guides. Both parties met at the palace, surprised the guards, took possession, and slew the king. This account Herodotus and Xenophon both give of the taking of Babylon by Cyrus; and herein they exactly agree with the sacred scriptures.” Prideaux, Vol. I. p. 153—155.
[2] It has been alleged, that the cause of naturalized citizens has been given up by the government: but happily the allegation is unfounded. Sad will be that day to America, if it ever should arrive, when such a violation of her own faith, and of the moral law, will receive her sanction. Then the curse of God will alight upon her shores; and be more terrible than all her present evils. But the allegation is unfounded. The practice of Britain, of which America complained? has ceased with the European war. We cannot force the principle upon any nation. The principle is our own. All we require of others is, not to injure us by their practice. But our Commissioners of peace are expressly instructed, never to yield the principle to the claims of the foe.
Extract from the Instructions of the Executive to the Commissioners,
dated June 25, 1814.
“The United States having resisted by war the practice of impressment, and continued the war until that practice had ceased, by a peace in Europe, their object has been essentially obtained for the present. It may reasonably be expected, that the arrangement contemplated and provided for, will take effect before a new war in Europe shall furnish an occasion for reviving the practice. Should this arrangement, however, fail, and the practice be again revived, the United States will be again at liberty to repel it by war; and that they will do so cannot be doubted; for after the proof which they have already given of a firm resistance in that mode persevered in until the practice had ceased, under circumstances the most unfavourable, it cannot be presumed that the practice will ever be tolerated again. Certain it is, that every day will render it more in eligible in Great Britain to make the attempt.”